Skip Introduction

THE phase of beliefs which this Suttanta is intended to meet, into which its argument fits, has been set out in some setail in the opening chapter of my `American Lectures.' As there pointed out [1], the discussion which thus opens this series of dialogues forms also the first question in the Kathà Vatthu, and the first question in the Milinda. We cannot be far wrong if, in our endeavours to understand the real meaning of the original Buddhism, we attach as much weight to this question as did the author or authors of these ancient and authoritative Buddhist books.

The Suttanta sets out in sixty-two divisions [2] various speculations or theories in which the theorisers, going out always from various forms of the ancient view of a `soul'-a sort of subtle manikin inside the body but separate from it, and continuing, after it leaves the body, as a separate entity-attempt to reconstruct the past, or to arrange the future. All such speculation is condemned. And necessarily so, since the Buddhist philosophy is put together without this ancient idea of `soul.'

The Buddhist scheme endeavours, in other words, to include all the truth which previous thinkers had grafted on to the old savage theories of a semi-material, subtle, permanent entity inside the body, while rejecting those theories themselves; it endeavours to retain all the philosophic truth which previous thinkers had grafted on to the theosophies-the corollaries of the soul theories-while rejecting those theosophies themselves. The reasons given for this position are threefold firstly, that such speculators about ultimate things, [\q xxvi/] either in the past or the future, have insufficient evidence. see only one side of the shield; [3] secondly, that such speculations do not lead to emancipation, to Arahatship; [4] and thirdly, that such theories are really derived from the hopes, the feelings, and the sensations arising from evanescent phenomena [5]-they belong, in other words, to the realm of hastily formed, empirical opinion (diññhi), not to that of' the higher wisdom (pa¤¤à). So that Buddhism, in the first place, holds a position somewhat similar to the modern Agnostic position. Secondly, while acknowledging the importance of feeling and of intellect, it lays special stress upon the regulation, the cultivation, of the Will [6]. And thirdly, it distinguishes between a lower and a higher wisdom, [7].

However this question may be decided-and its discussion, at the necessary length, by a competent student of philosophy, is a very pressing want-it is certain from the details given in our Suttanta that there were then current in Northern India many other philosophic and theosophic speculations besides those the priests found it expedient to adopt, and have preserved for us in the Upanishads. And who can doubt but that some, if not all of them, may also have had their influence on the new doctrine? There was always much philosophising in India outside the narrow and inexact limits [\q xxvii/] of the so-called six Darsanas; and we have to thank Buddhist scholars for preserving, in their Pàli and Sanskrit works, the evidences of such philosophy as the priests wished to exclude from notice [8].

[\q 001/]
(Introduction)

I. BRAHMA-JâLA SUTTA [9]
The Perfect Net

1. Thus have I heard. The Blessed One was once going along the high road between Ràjagaha and Nàlandà [10] with a great company of the brethren, with about five hundred brethren. And Suppiya the mendicant [11] too was going along the high road between Ràjagaha and Nàlandà with his disciple the youth Brahmadatta. Now just then Suppiya the mendicant was speaking in many ways in dispraise of the Buddha, in dispraise of the Doctrine, in dispraise of the Order. But young Brahmadatta, his pupil, gave utterance, in many ways, to praise of the Buddha, to praise of the Doctrine, to praise of the Order. Thus. they two, teacher and pupil, holding opinions in direct contradiction one to the other, were following, step by [\q 002/] step, after the Blessed One and the company of the brethren.

2. Now the Blessed One put up at the royal rest-house in the Ambalaññhikà. pleasance [12] to pass the night, and with him the company of the brethren. And so also did Suppiya the mendicant, and with him his young disciple Brahmadatta. And there, at the rest-house, these two carried on the same discussion as before.

[4] [THE MORALITIES [13]. PART I.]

8. ßPutting away the killing of living things, Gotama the recluse holds aloof from the destruction [\q 004/] of life. He has laid the cudgel and the sword aside, and ashamed of roughness, and full of mercy, he dwells compassionate and kind to all creatures that have lifeû It is thus that the unconverted man, when-speaking in praise of the Tathàgata, might speak [14].

`Or he might say: ßPutting away the taking of what has not been given, Gotama the recluse lived aloof from grasping what is not his own. He takes only what is given, and expecting that gifts will come [15], he passes his life in honesty and purity of heart.û

Or he might say: ßPutting away unchastity, Gotama the recluse is chaste. He holds himself aloof, far off, from the vulgar practice, from the sexual act [16].û

`Or he might say: ßPutting- away rudeness of speech, Gotama the recluse holds himself aloof from harsh language. Whatsoever word is blameless, pleasant to the car, lovely, reaching to the heart, urbane [17], pleasing to the people, beloved of the people-such are words he speaks.û

`Or he might say: ßPutting away frivolous talk [18],Gotama the recluse holds himself aloof from vain conversation. In season he speaks, in accordance with the facts, words full of meaning, on religion, on the discipline of the Order. He speaks, and at the right time, words worthy to be laid up in one's heart, [5] fitly illustrated, clearly divided, to the point.û

11. `Or he might say: ßWhereas some recluses and Brahmans, while living on food provided by the faithful, continue addicted to the injury of seedlings and growing plants whether propagated from roots or cuttings or joints or buddings or seeds [21]-Gotama the [\q 007/] recluse holds aloof from such injury to seedlings and growing plants.û

12. [6] `Or he might say: ßWhereas some recluses and Brahmans, while living on food provided by the faithful, continue addicted to the use of things stored up; stores, to wit, of foods, drinks, clothing, equipages, bedding, perfumes, and curry-stuffs [22]- Gotama the recluse holds aloof from such use of things stored up.û

13. `Or he might say: ßWhereas some recluses and Brahmans while living on food provided by the faithful, continue addicted to visiting shows [23]; that is to say,

14. `Or. he might say: ßWhereas some recluses and Brahmans, while living on food provided by the faithful, continue addicted to games and recreations [35]; that is to say,

15. `Or he might say: ßWhereas some recluses and Brahmans, while living on food provided by the faithful, continue addicted to the use of high and large couches; that is to say [50],

`Gotama the recluse holds aloof from such means of adorning and beautifying the person [55].û

Tales of kings, of robbers, of ministers of state, tales of war, of terrors, of battles; talk about foods and drinks, clothes, beds, garlands, perfumes; talks about relationships, equipages, villages, town, cities, and countries; tales about women [8], and about heroes; gossip at street corners [56], or places whence [\q 014/] water is fetched; ghost stories [57]; desultory talk [58]; speculations about the creation of the land or sea [59], or about existence and non-existence [60].û

18. `Or he might say: ßWhereas some recluses and Brahmans, while living on food provided by the faithful, continue addicted to the use of wrangling phrases [61] such as

20. `Or he might say: ßWhereas some recluses and Brahmans, while living on food provided by the faithful, are tricksters [68], droners out (of holy words for pay) [69], [\q 016/] diviners [70], and exorcists [71], ever hungering to add gain to gain [72] - Gotama the recluse holds aloof from such deception and patter.û'

Knowledge of the signs of good and bad qualities in the following things and of the marks in them denoting the health or luck of their owners: to wit, gems [98], staves, garments, swords, arrows, bows, other weapons, women [99], men [100], boys [101], girls [102], slaves, slave-girls, elephants, horses, buffaloes, bulls, oxen, goats [103], sheep [104], fowls [105], quails [106], iguanas [107], earrings [108], tortoises, and other animals.û

28. `There are, brethren, other things profound, difficult to realise, hard to understand, tranquillising, sweet, not to be grasped by mere logic, subtle, comprehensible only by the wise [142] These things the Tathàgata, having himself realised them and seen them face to face, hath set forth; and it is of them that they, who would rightly praise the Tathàgata in accordance with the truth, should speak.

29. `There are recluses and Brahmans, brethren, who reconstruct the ultimate beginnings of things, whose speculations are concerned with the ultimate past [143], and who on eighteen grounds put forward various [\q 027/] assertions regarding it. [13] And about what, with reference to what, do those venerable ones do so?

30. `There are, brethren, some recluses and Brahmans who are Eternalists [144], and who, on four grounds, proclaim that both the soul and the world are eternal. And about what, with reference to what, do those venerable ones do so?

31. `In the first place, brethren, some recluse or Brahman by means of ardour, of exertion, of application, of earnestness, of careful thought, reaches up to such rapture of heart that, rapt in heart, he calls to mind his various dwelling-places in times gone by-in one birth, or in two, or three, or four, or five, or ten, or twenty, or thirty, or forty, or fifty, or a hundred, or a thousand, or in several hundreds or thousands or laks of births-to the effect that " There I had such and such a name, was of such and such a lineage [145] and caste [146], lived on such and such food, experienced such and such pains and pleasures, had such and such a span of years. And when I fell from thence I was reborn in such and such a place tinder such and such a name, in such and such a lineage and caste, living on such and such food, experiencing such and such pains and pleasures, with such and such a span of years. And when I fell from thence I was reborn here.û Thus does he recollect, in full detail both of condition and of custom, his various dwelling [\q 028/] places in times zone by. [14] And he says to himself: ßEternal is the soul; and the world, giving birth to nothing new, is stedfast as a mountain peak, as a pillar firmly fixed. and though these living creatures transmigrate and pass away, fall from one state of existence and spring up in another, yet they ale forever and ever. And why must that be so? Because I, by means of ardour of exertion of application of earnestness of careful thought, can reach up to such rapture of heart that, rapt in heart, I can call to mind, and in full detail both of condition and of custom, my various dwelling-places in times gone by-by that is it that I know this-that the soul is eternal; and that the world, giving birth to nothing new, is stedfast as a mountain peak, as a pillar firmly fixed; and that though these living creatures transmigrate and pass away, fall from one state of existence and spring up in another, yet they are forever and ever.û

32. [The second case put is in all respects the same save that the previous births thus called to mind extend over a still longer period up to ten world aeons [147].]

`In this case, brethren, some recluse or Brahman [\q 029/] is addicted to logic and reasoning. He gives utterance to the following conclusion of his own, beaten out by his argumentations and based on his sophistry [148]; "Eternal is the soul; and the world, giving birth to nothing new is steadfast as a mountain peak, as a pillar firmly fixed; and these living creatures, though they transmigrate and pass away, fall from one state of existence and spring up in another, yet they are forever and ever.

36. `Now of these, brethren, the Tathàgata knows that these speculations thus arrived at, thus insisted on, will have such and such a result, such and such an effect on the future condition of those who trust in them. [17] That does he know, and he knows also other things far beyond (far better than those speculations) [149]; and having that knowledge he is not puffed up, and thus untarnished he has, in his own heart [150], realised the way of escape from them [151], has understood, as they really are, the rising up and passing away of sensations. their sweet taste, their danger, how they cannot be relied on; and not grasping after any (of [\q 030/] those things men are eager for) he, the Tathàgata, is quite set free [152].

37. `These [153], brethren, are those other things, profound, difficult to realise, hard to understand, tranquillising, sweet, not to be grasped by mere logic,. subtle, comprehensible only by the wise, which the Tathàgata, having himself realised and seen face to face, hath set forth; and it is concerning these that they who would rightly praise the Tathàgata in accordance with the truth, should speak.'

5. `On this, brethren, the one who was first reborn thinks thus to himself: ßI am Brahmà, the Great Brahmà, the Supreme One, the Mighty, the All-seeing, the Ruler, the Lord of all, the Maker, the Creator, the Chief of all, appointing to each his place, the Ancient of days the Father of all that are and are to be [154]. `These other beings are of my creation. And why is that so? A while ago I thought, `Would that they might come!' And on my mental aspiration, behold the beings came.û

`There are, brethren, certain gods called the ßDebauched by Pleasureû [155]. `For ages they pass their time in the pursuit of the laughter and sport of sensual lusts. In consequence thereof their self-possession is corrupted, and through the loss of their self-control they fall from that state [156].

`There are, brethren, certain gods called "the Debauched in Mind [157].û They burn continually with envy [158] one against another, and being thus irritated, their hearts become ill-disposed towards each other, and being thus debauched, their bodies become feeble, and their minds imbecile. And those gods fall from that state.

In this case, brethren, some recluse or Brahman is addicted to logic and reasoning. He gives utterance to the following conclusion of his own, beaten out by his argumentations and based on his sophistry: ßThis which is called eye and ear and nose and tongue and body is a self which is impermanent, unstable, not eternal, subject to change. But this which is called heart, or mind, or consciousness is a self which is permanent, stedfast, eternal, and knows no change, and it will remain forever and ever [159].

16. `There are, brethren, certain recluses and Brahmans who are Extensionists [160], and who in four ways set forth the infinity or finiteness of the world. And [\q 036/] on what ground, starting out from what, do these venerable ones maintain this?

17. `In the first case, brethren, some recluse or Brahman, by means of ardour of exertion of application of earnestness of careful thought, reaches up to such rapture of heart that he, rapt in heart., dwells in the world imagining it finite. And he says thus to himself: ßFinite is the world, so that a path could be traced round it [161]. And why is this so? Since I, by means of ardour of exertion of application of earnestness of careful thought, can reach up to such rapture of heart that, rapt in heart, I dwell in the world perceiving it to be finite-by that I know this.û

18. `The second case is similar, only that the conclusion is: [23] `Infinite is the world without a limit. Those recluses and Brahmans who say it is finite, so that a path could be traced round it, are wrong [162].û

24. `In the first place, brethren, some recluse or Brahman does not understand the good in its real nature, nor the evil. And he thinks: -"I neither know [\q 038/] the good, as it really is, nor the evil. [25] That being so, were I to pronounce this to be good or that to be evil, I might be influenced therein by my feelings or desires, by ill will or resentment. And under these circumstances I might be wrong; and my having been wrong might cause me the pain of remorse; and the sense of remorse might become a hindrance to me [163].û Thus fearing and abhorring the being wrong in an expressed opinion, he will neither declare anything to be good, nor to be bad; but on a question being put to him on this or that, he resorts to eel-wriggling. to equivocation, and says: ßI don't take it thus. I don't take it the other way. But I advance no different opinion. And I don't deny your position. And I don't say it is neither the one, nor the other [164].

25. [The same, reading] Under these circumstances I might fall into that grasping condition of heart which causes rebirth; and my so falling might cause me the pain of remorse; and the sense of remorse might become a hindrance to me.û [26] Thus fearing and abhorring the falling into that state [165], he will neither declare (&c., as in Section 24).

26. [The same, reading] `And he thinks: ßI neither know the good, as it really is, nor the evil. Now there are recluses and Brahmans who are clever, subtle, experienced in controversy, hair-splitters, who ,go about, methinks, breaking to pieces by their wisdom [\q 039/] the speculations of others. Were I to pronounce this to be good, or that to be evil, these men might join issue with me, call upon me for my reasons, point out my errors. And on their doing so, I might be unable to explain [166]. And that might cause me the pain of remorse; and the sense of remorse might become a hindrance to me.û Thus fearing and abhorring the joinder of issue, he will neither declare (&c., as in Section 24).

27. `In this case, brethren, some recluse or Brahman is dull, stupid. And it is by reason of his dullness, his stupidity, that when a question on this or that is put to him, he resorts to equivocation, to wriggling, like an eel: ßIf you ask me whether there is another world,Þwell, if I thought there were, I would say so. But I don't say so. And I don't think it is thus or thus. And I don't think it is otherwise. And I don't deny it. And I don't say there neither is, nor is not, another world.û Thus does he equivocate, and in like manner about each of such propositions as the following [167]:

`This, brethren, is the fourth case [169].

30. `There are, brethren, some recluses and Brahmans who are Fortuitous-Originists [170], and who in two ways maintain that the soul and the world arise without a cause. And on what ground, starting out from what, do they do so?

31. `There are, brethren, certain gods called Unconscious Beings [171]. As soon as an idea occurs to them they fall from that state. Now it may well be, brethren, that a being, on falling from that state, should come hither; and having come hither he might go forth from the household life into the homeless state. And having thus become a recluse he, by reason of ardour and so on (as in the other cases) reaches up to such rapture of heart that, rapt in heart, he calls to mind how that idea occurred to him, but not more than that. He says to himself: ßFortuitous [\q 042/] in origin are the soul and the world. And why so? Because formerly I was not, but now am. Having not been, I have come to be.û [29]

[30] 35. `These, brethren, are the recluses and Brahmans who reconstruct the ultimate beginnings of things, whose speculations are concerned with the [\q 043/] ultimate past, and who on eighteen grounds put forward various assertions regarding the past [172]. And those who do so, all of them, do so in one or other of these eighteen ways. There is none beside.

38. `There are, brethren, recluses and Brahmans who [31] hold the doctrine of a conscious existence after death [173], and who maintain in sixteen ways that [\q 044/] the soul after death is conscious. And how do they do so?

[176] 9. [34] `There are, brethren, recluses and Brahmans who are Annihilationists, who in seven ways maintain the cutting off, the destruction, the annihilation of a living being [177]. And on account of what, starting out from what, do they do so?

13. `To him another says: ßThere is, Sir, such a soul as you describe. That I do not deny. But the whole soul, Sir, is not then completely annihilated. For there is a further soul, which by passing beyond ideas of form, by the dying out of ideas of resistance, by paying no heed to ideas of difference, conscious that space is infinite, reaches up to the plane of the infinity of space [178]. This you neither know of nor perceive. [35] But I know and have experienced it. And since this soul, on the dissolution of the body, is cut off and destroyed, does not continue after death, then is it, Sir, that the soul is completely annihilated.û Thus is it that some maintain the cutting off, the destruction, the annihilation of a living being.

[\q 048/] For there is a further soul, which having passed beyond the plane of the infinity of space, knowing that consciousness is infinite, reaches up to the plane of the infinity of consciousness [179]. This you neither know of nor perceive. But I know and have experienced it. And since this soul, on the dissolution of the body, is cut off and destroyed, does not continue after death, then is it, Sir, that the soul is completely annihilated.û Thus is it that some maintain the cutting off, the destruction, the annihilation of a living being.

15. `To him another says: ßThere is, Sir, such a soul as you describe. That I do not deny. But the whole soul, Sir, is not then completely annihilated. For there is a further soul, which by passing quite beyond the plane of the infinity of consciousness, knowing that there is nothing, reaches up to the plane of no obstruction [180]. This you neither know of nor perceive. But I know and have experienced it. And since this soul, on the dissolution of the body, is cut off and destroyed, does not continue after death, then is it, Sir, that the soul is completely annihilated.û Thus is it that some maintain the cutting off, the destruction, the annihilation of a living, being.

16. `To him another says: ßThere is, Sir, such a soul as you describe. That I do not deny. But the whole soul, Sir, is not then completely annihilated. For there is a further soul, which by passing quite beyond the plane of no obstruction, realises `This is good, this is excellent,' and reaches up to the plane of neither ideas nor the absence of ideas [181] This you [\q 049/] neither know of, nor perceive. But I know and have experienced it. And since this soul, on the dissolution of the body, is cut off, destroyed, does not continue after death, then is it, Sir, that the soul is completely annihilated.û Thus is it that some maintain the cutting off, the destruction, !the annihilation of a living being.

20. `Hereon, brethren, some recluse or Brahman may have the following opinion, the following view: ßWhensoever the soul, in full enjoyment and possession [\q 050/] of the five pleasures of sense, indulges all its functions, then, Sir, the soul has attained, in this visible world, to the highest Nirvàõa [182]. " Thus do some maintain the complete happiness, in the visible world, of a living being.

24. `To him another says: ßThere is. Sir, such a soul as you describe. That I do not deny. But the soul does not by that alone attain to the highest Nirvàõa. And why not? Because inasmuch as that state involves a constant dwelling of the mind on the case it has enjoyed it is stamped as gross. [38] But whensoever, Sir, the soul, by putting away ease, by putting away pain, by the previous dying away both of joys and griefs has entered into and abides in the Fourth Jhàna [183] Þ a state made pure by self-possession and equanimity, without pain and without ease-then, Sir, has the soul attained, in this visible world, to the highest Nirvàõa.û Thus do some maintain the complete happiness, in the visible world, of a living, being.

That opinion of theirs is based only on the personal sensations, on the worry and writhing consequent thereon [184], of those venerable recluses and Brahmans, who know not, neither perceive, and are subject to all kinds of craving:

71. [44] `They all of them, receive those sensations through continual contact in the spheres of touch. To them on account of the sensations arises craving, on account of the craving arises the fuel (that is, the necessary condition, the food, the basis, of future lives), from the fuel results becoming, from the tendency to become arises rebirth, and from rebirth comes death, and grief, lamentation, pain, sorrow, and despair. It is, brethren, when a brother understands, [\q 054/] as they really are, the origin and the end, the attraction, the danger, and the way of escape from the six realms of contact, that he gets to know what is above, beyond, them all [185].

73. `The outward form, brethren, of him who has won the truth [186], stands before you, but that which binds it to rebirth is cut in twain. So long as his body shall last, so long do gods and men behold him. On the dissolution of the body, beyond the end of his life, neither gods nor men shall see him.

[1] `American Lectures on Buddhism.' London, 1896, pp. 38~43.

[2] Summed up below, pp. 52, 53; and set out more fully in the list in the `American Lectures,' pp. 31-33.

[3] See the fable quoted below, pp. 187, 188.

[4] See below, pp. 44, 188.

[5] See for instance below, pp. 53, 54.

[6] See the paper on `The Will in Buddhism,' J R. A. S., 1898.

[7] See below, p. 42, &c., of this Suttanta.

[8] Professor Cowell has been good enough to inform me that, in his opinion, the attempted restriction of all philosophy to the six Darsanas, and the very use of the term, is late mediaeval. The six are of course not mutually exclusive; and this, and the omissions in the classification of philosophy under these six heads, render it rather like a classification of animals into men, horses, birds, ghosts, beetles, and sparrows.

[9] The whole of this Sutta was translated into English by the Rev. Daniel Gogerly, Wesleyan missionary in Ceylon, in the journal of the Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society for 1846 (reprinted by P. Grimblot in his `Sept Suttas Palis,' Paris, 1876).

[10] Nàlandà, afterwards the seat of the famous Buddhist university, was about seven miles north of Ràjagaha, the capital of Magadha, the modern Raj-gir (Sum. p. 35).

[11] Suppiya was a follower of the celebrated teacher Sa¤jaya, whose views are set out and controverted in the next Sutta.

[12] Ambalaññhikà, `the mango sapling.' It was, says Buddhaghosa (pp. 41, 42), a well-watered and shady park so called from a mango sapling by the gateway. It was surrounded with a rampart, and had in it a rest-house adorned with paintings for the king's amusement.

[13] These titles occur, in the MSS., at the end of the sections of the tract that now follows. It forms a part of each of the Suttas in the first division, the first third, of this collection of Suttas. The division is called therefore the Sãla Vagga or Section containing the Sãlas. The tract itself must almost certainly have existed as a separate work before the time when the discourses, in each of which it recurs, were first put together.

[14] This refrain is repeated at the end of each clause. When the Sãlas recur below, in each Sutta, the only difference is in the refrain. See, for instance, the translation of p. 100 in the text.

[15] Neumann has `waiting for a gift' which is a possible rendering: but pàtikankhati has not yet been found elsewhere in the sense of `waiting for.' The usual meaning of the word expresses just such a trifling matter as we have been led, from the context, to expect.

[16] Gàma-dhammà, `from the village habit, the practice of country folk the "pagan"' way.' One might render the phrase by `pagan' if that word had not acquired, in English, a slightly different connotation. It is the opposite of porã, urbane (applied to speech, below, Section9)ôr. Neumann misses the point here, but has `h"flich' below.

[17] Porã. See note above on Section 8.

[18] Sampha-ppalàpa. Sampha occurs alone in the Hemavata Sutta, and at Jàt. VI, 295; A. 11, 23.

[19] Samàrambhà cannot mean `planting' as Dr. Neumann renders it.

[20] Kaüsa-kåña. The context suggests that kaüsa (bronze) may here refer to coins, just as we say in English `a copper,' and the word is actually so used in the 11th and 12th Bhikkhunã Nissaggiya Rules -the oldest reference in Indian books to coins. The most ancient coins, which were of private (not state) coinage, were either of bronze or gold. Buddhaghosa (p.79) explains the expression here used as meaning the passing off of bronze vessels as gold. Gogerly translates `weights,' Childers sub voce has `counterfeit metal,' and Neumann has `Màss.' Buddhaghosa is obliged to take kaüsa in the meaning of `gold pot,' which seems very forced; and there is no authority for kaüsa meaning either weight or mass. On the whole the coin explanation seems to me to be the simplest.

[21] Buddhaghosa gives examples of each of these five classes of the vegetable. kingdom without explaining the terms. But it is only the fourth which is doubtful. It may mean `graftings,' if the art of grafting was then known in the Ganges valley.

[22] âmisa. Buddhaghosa (p. 83) gives a long list of curry-stuffs included under this term. If he is right then Gogerly's `raw grain' is too limited a translation, and Neumann's `all sorts of articles to use' too extensive. In its secondary meaning the word means something. nice, a relish, a dainty.'

[23] Visåka-dassanaü. This word has only been found elsewhere in the phrase diññhi-visåkaü, `the puppet shows of heresy' (Majjhima I, pp. 8, 486; and Serissaka Vimàna LXXXIV, 26). The Sinhalese renders it wiparãta-darsaõa.

[24] Dancing. cannot mean here a dancing in which the persons referred to took part. It must be ballet or nautch dancing.

[25] Literally `shows.' This word, only found here, has always been rendered `theatrical representations.' Clough first translated it so in his Sinhalese Dictionary, p. 665, and he was followed by Gogerly, Burnouf, myself (in `Buddhist Suttas,' p. 192), and Dr. Neumann (p. 69),-and Weber (Indian Literature, pp. 199, 319) seems to approve this. But it is most unlikely that the theatre was already known in the fifth century B. C. And Buddhaghosa (p. 84) explains it, quite simply, as naña-samajjà. Now samajjo is a very interesting old word (at least in its Pàli form). The Sanskrit, according to the Petersburg Dictionary, has only been found in modern dictionaries. The Pàli occurs in other old texts such as Vinaya 11, 107; IV, 267 (both times in the very same context as it does here); ibid. II, 150; 1V, 85; Sigàlovàda Sutta, p.300; and it is undoubtedly the same word as samàja in the first of the fourteen Edicts of Asoka. In the Sigàlovàda there are said to be six dangers at such a samajjo; to wit, dancing, singing, music, recitations, conjuring tricks, and acrobatic shows. And in the Vinaya passages we learn that at a samajjo not only amusements but also food was provided; that high officials were invited, and had special seats; and that it took place at the top of a bill. This last detail of `high places' (that is sacred places) points to a religious motive as underlying the whole procedure. The root aj (??greak??agw??, ago, whence our `act') belongs to the stock of common Aryan roots, and means carrying on. What was the meaning of this `carrying on together'? Who were the people who took part? Were they confined to one village? or have we here a survival from old exogamic communistic dancings together? Later the word means simply fair,' as at Jàtaka III, 541:

[26] These ballad recitations in prose and verse combined were the source from which epic poetry was afterwards gradually developed. Buddhaghosa has no explanation of the word, but gives as examples the Bhàrata and the Ràmàyaõa. The negative anakkhànaü occurs Majjhima I, 503.

[27] Buddhaghosa explains this as `playing on cymbals'; and adds that it is also called pàõitàëaü. The word is only found here and at Jàtaka V, 5o6, and means literally `hand-sounds.'

[28] Buddhaghosa says `deep music, but some say raising dead bodies to life by spells.' His own explanation is, I think, meant to be etymological; and to show that he derives the word from vi + tàëa. This would bring the word into connection with the Sanskrit vaitàëika, `royal bard.' The other explanation connects the word with Vetàla, `a demon,' supposed to play pranks (as in the stories of the Vetàla-pa¤ca-viüsati) by reanimating corpses. Dr. Neumann adopts it. But it does not agree so well with the context; and it seems scarcely justifiable to see, in this ancient list, a reference to beliefs which can only be traced in literature more than a thousand years later. Gogerly's rendering funeral ceremonies,' which I previously followed, seems to me now quite out of the question.

[29] It is clear from Jàtaka V, 5o6 that this word means a sort of music. And at Vinaya IV, 285 kumbhathånikà are mentioned in connection with dancers, acrobats, and hired mourners. Buddhaghosa is here obscure and probably corrupt, and the derivation is quite uncertain. Gogerly's guess seems better than Burnouf's or Neumann's. The Sinhalese has `striking a drum big enough to hold sixteen gallons.'

[30] Buddhaghosa seems to understand by this term (literally `of Sobha city') the adornments or scenery used for a ballet-dance. (Pañibhàõa-cittam at Vinaya 11, 151; IV, 61, 298, 358; Sum. 1, 42 is the nude in art.) Weber has pointed out (Indische Studien, II, 38; III, 153) that Sobha is a city of the, fairies much given to music and love-making. It is quite likely that the name of a frequently used scene for a ballet because a proverbial phrase for all such scenery. But the Sinhalese has `pouring water over the heads of dancers, or nude paintings.'

[31] Buddhaghosa takes these three words separately, and so do all the MSS. of the text, and the Sinhalese version. But 1 now think that the passage at Jàtaka IV, 390 is really decisive, and that we have here one of the rare cases where we can correct our MSS. against the authority of the old commentator. But 1 follow him in the general meaning he assigns to the strange expression `Caõóàla-bamboo washings.'

[32] See Jàtaka III, 541.

[33] Nibbuddhaü. The verbal form nibbujjhati occurs in the list at Vinaya III, 180 (repeated at 11, 10); and our word at Milinda 232.

[34] All these recur in the introductory story to the 50th Pàcittiya (Vinaya IV, 107). On the last compare Buddhaghosa on Mahàvagga V, I, 2 9.

[35] All these terms recur at Vinaya III, 180 (repeated at II, 10).

[36] Chess played originally on a board of eight times ten squares was afterwards played on one of eight times eight squares. Our text cannot be taken as evidence of real chess in the fifth century B. C., but it certainly refers to games from which it and draughts must have been developed. The Sinhalese Sanna says that each of these games was played with dice and pieces such as kings and so on. The word for pieces is poru (from purisa)-just our men.'

[37] âkàsaü. How very like blindfold chess !

[38] Parihàra-pathaü. A kind of primitive `hop-scotch.' The Sinhalese says the steps must be made hopping-.

[39] Santikà. Spellicans, pure and simple.

[40] Khalikà. Unfortunately the method of playing is not stated. Compare Eggeling's note as in his Satapatha-Bràhmaõa 11I, 106, 7. In the gambling-scene on the Bharhut `Tope (Cunningham, PI. XLV, No. 9) there is a board marked out on the stone of six times five squares (not six by six), and six little cubes with marks on the sides visible lie on the stone outside the board.

[41] Jhañikaü Something like `tip-cat.' Siü - kelãmaya in Sinhalese.

[42] Sa1àka-hatthaü. On flour-water as colouring matter, see Jàtaka I, 220.

[43] Akkhaü. The usual meaning is `a die.' But the Sinhalese translator agrees with Buddhaghosa. Neither gives any details.

[44] Pangacãram. The Sinhalese for this toy is pat-kulal. Morris in J. P. T. S., 1889, p. 205, compares the Marathãpungi.

[45] Vankakaü. From Sanskrit vrika. See journal of the Pàli Text Society, 1889, p. 206.

[46] Mokkhacikà,. So the Sinhalese. Buddhaghosa has an alternative explanation of turning over on a trapeze, but gives this also. See Vinaya I, 275, and J. P. T. S., 1885, p. 49.

[47] Cingulikaü. See Morris in the J. P. T. S., 1885, p. 5o, who compares cingulàyitvà at Aïguttara III, 15, 2.

[48] All these six, from No. 10 inclusive, are mentioned in the Majjhima, vol. 1, p. 266, as children's games.

[49] Akkharikà. it is important evidence for the date at which writing was known in India that such a game should be known in the fifth century B. C.

[50] The following list recurs Vinaya I, 192 = 11, 163 = Aïguttara 1, 181, &c.

[51] âsandã. Buddhaghosa merely says `a seat beyond the allowed measure,' but that must refer to height, as the only rule as to measure in seats is the 87th Pàcittiya in which the height of beds or chairs is limited to eight `great' inches (probably about eighteen inches). The Sinhalese Sanna adds `a long chair for supporting the whole body.' At Jàt. I, 208 a man lies down on an àsandã so as to be able to-look up and watch the stars. At Dãgha I, 55 = Majjhima 1,515 = Saüyutta 111, (where the reading must be corrected), the âsandã is used as a bier. The âsandã is selected as the right sort of seat for the king in both the Vàjapeya and Inauguration ceremonies because of its height (Eggeling, Sat.-Bràh. III, 35, 105). It is there said to be made of common sorts of wood, and perforated; which probably means that the frame was of wood and the seat was of interlaced cane or wickerwork. The diminutive àsandiko, with short legs and made square (for sitting, not lying on), is allowed in the Buddhist Order by Vinaya 11, 149. And even the àsandã is allowed, if the tall legs be cut down, by Vinaya II, 169, 170 (where the reading chinditvà seems preferable, and is read in the quotation at Sum. 1, 88). The renderings `large cushion' at `Vinaya Texts,' II, 27 and `stuffed couch' at 111, 209 must be accordingly corrected. Gogerly translates `large couch,' Burnouf une chaise longue,' and Neumann bequeme Lehnstuhl.'

[52] Pallanko. It is noteworthy that, in spite of the use of a divan with animals carved on its supports being here objected to, it is precisely the sort of seat on which the Buddha himself, or Buddhist personages of distinction, are often, in later sculptures, represented as sitting (Grunwedel, `Buddhistische kunst,' pp. III, 124, 137; Mitra, `Budh Gayà,' Plates XI, XX, &c. &c.). At Mahàvaüsa 25 sãhàsana and pallanko are used of the same seat (Asoka's throne), and sãhàsana is used of Duññha Gamini's throne, ibid. 157. But the Lion throne of Nissanka Malla, found at Pollonnaruwa, is not a pallanko, but an actual stone lion, larger than life size ('Indian Antiquary,' vol. 1, p. 135. Compare the similar seat in Grunwedel, p. 95).

[53] The words from gonako down to kaññhissaü inclusive, and also kuttakaü, are found only in this list, and Buddhaghosa seems to be uncertain as to the exact meaning of some of them. All except No. 7 might be used in laymen's houses ('Vinaya Texts,' III, 197), and all might be possessed by the Order i used only as floor coverings (ibid. 111, 209); except again No. 7, the cotton wool of which might be utilised for pillows. As there is a doubt about the spelling it may be noticed that the Sanna reads goõakaü and uddalomiü: and the MS. in the R. A. S. (which repeats each sentence) has -gonakaü and uddalomiü both times.

[54] Sambàhanaü. Perhaps rubbing the limbs with flat pieces of wood. See Buddhaghosa here and at `Vinaya Texts,' III, 60.

[55] This is not quite accurate. Out of the twenty items here objected to, three (shampooing, bathing, and the use of sunshades) were allowed in the Order, and practised by Gotama himself. Bathrooms, and halls attached to them, are permitted by `Vinaya Texts,' III, 189; shampooing by ibid. III, 68, 297. There are elaborate regulations for the provision of hot steam baths and the etiquette to be observed in them; and instances of the use of the ordinary bath in streams or rivers are frequent. The use of sunshades is permitted by `Vinaya Texts,' 111, 13 2-3, and is referred to ibid. 111, 88, 274.

[56] Visikhà-kathà. Buddhaghosa (p.90) takes this word (literally street-talk') in the sense of talk about streets, whether ill or well situate, and whether the inhabitants are bold or poor, &c.

[57] Pubba-peta-kathà. The commentator confines this to boasting talk about deceased relatives or ancestors.

[58] Nànatta-kathaü, literally `difference-talk.' The expression seems somewhat forced, if taken as meaning `desultory'; but I see no better explanation.

[59] Lokakkhàyikà. Buddhaghosa refers this specially to such speculations as are put forth according to the Lokàtyata system by the Vitaõóas (also called Lokàyatikas). These are materialistic theorisers, of whose system very little is, so far, known. See the note at `Vinaya Texts, vol. iii, p. 151. 1 have collected other references to them in my `Milinda,' vol. i, p.7; and to these Dãgha I, 11 114,120, and Attha Sàlinã, p.3, may now be added. They are probably referred to below in chap. iii of this Sutta, SectionSection 10, 20.

[60] `This list of foolish talks recurs in Suttas 76-78 in the Majjhima, and at Vinaya I,188.

[61] These expressions all recur at Majjhima II, 3.

[62] Sahitaü me, literally `the put together is to me,' &c. The idiom is only found here, and may mean either as rendered above, or `the context is on my side,' or `the text (of the Scriptures) is on my side,' or merely `that which is of use is on my side.' This last, given by the Sanna, amounts to the same as the version adopted above.

[63] Putting the cart before the horse.

[64] âropito te vàdo. On the use of this idiom compare the Commentary on the Therã Gàthà, p. 101. There is a misprint here in the text, aropito for àropito. `Issue has been joined against you would be a possible rendering. It is the phrase used, when some one has offered to hold debate (maintain a thesis) against all corners, by an opponent who takes up the challenge.

[65] Niggahãto si. On this idiom compare the opening paragraphs of the Kathà Vatthu and the Commentary on them (especially pp. 9,10). It is literally `you are censured.'

[66] 3 Cara vàda-pamokkhàya. So Buddhaghosa. But Gogerly renders, `Depart, that you may be freed from this disputation and the only parallel passage seems to support this view. It is Majjhima 1, 133, where it is said to be wrong to learn the Scriptures for the sake of the advantage of being freed from discussion or debate where texts are quoted against one. Pamokkha occurs besides at Saüyutta I, 2, Jàtaka V, 30, 31, and Mahàvaüsa 158, but not in this connection.

[67] So the author of Milinda in making his hero Nàgasena use just such a phrase (Mil. P. 27) is making him commit a breach of propriety.

[68] Kuhakà. `Astonish the world with the three sorts of trickery,' says Buddhaghosa. These are also referred to without explanation at Jàtaka IV, 297 (where we should, 1 think, read kuhana).

[69] Lapakà. Compare Itivuttaka, No. 99 = Aïguttara I, 165, 168; and also Milinda 228, Jàtaka III, 349.

[70] Nemittakà, `interpreters of signs and omens.' See the note on nimittaü in the next paragraph. Compare Milinda 299; Jàt. IV, 124.

[71] Nippesikà, `scarers away' (? of ghosts, or bad omens). But the Commentary and Sanna give no help, and the word has only been found in this list.

[72] All the five words in this list recur at A. III, iii but the context there is as undecisive as it is here, and the Commentary (fol. di of the `Turnour MS. at the India Office), though slightly different, gives no better help.

[73] Aïgaü, literally `limbs.' Buddhaghosa distinguishes this from lakkhaõaü (No. 5 in this list), and from anga-vijjà (No. 16). It is not found, in this sense, anywhere in the texts.

[74] Nimittaü, literally `marks,' or ,signs.' Buddhaghosa tells a story in illustration. King Paõóu, they say (Pàõói in the Sanna), took three pearls in his closed hand, and asked a diviner what he had in it. The latter looked this way and that for a sign; and seeing a fly which had been caught by a house-lizard (the Sanna says `by a dog,' perhaps the meaning is simply `in sugar') getting free (üuttà), said at once `pearls' (also muttà in Pàli). `How many.û says the king. The diviner, hearing a dog bark thrice, answered `three.' Compare Mil. 178, and the note to the last section on nemittikà, and the story at Mahàvaüsa 82.

[75] Uppàdo, `the portents of the great ones, thunderbolts falling, and so on,' says Buddhaghosa. The Great Ones here mean, 1 think, the spirits or gods presiding over the sun, moon, and planets (see the note on Section 26). The word corresponds to the Sanskrit Utpàta, though the d is vouched for by overwhelming authority. But this is only another instance of a change not infrequent (as Ed. M�ller has shown, Pàli Grammar, p. 37); and the one or two cases where Burmese scribes have (wrongly) corrected to uppàta is another instance to be added to those referred to in the Introduction to Sum. 1 of their habit of putting an easier reading where the more difficult one is really right. Childers should therefore have kept this word separate from the other uppàdo. Comp. Jàt. 1, 374.

[76] Supinaü. On the theory of dreams compare Mil., pp. 297-301. At Jàt. I, 374 the word is masculine. Perhaps charms to avert bad dreams (Ath.-veda VI, 46; XVI, 5 and 6) are included in this low art.' Jàt. No. 77 mocks at the dream interpreters.

[77] Lakkhaõaü. The commentator on this word as used in the very same connection at Jàt. I, 374 adds that it means also the knowledge of good and bad marks on such persons and things as are mentioned here in our next paragraph. Buddhaghosa confines its meaning to that given above. This contradiction is another confirmation of the opinion expressed by me in 1880 in `Buddhist Birth Stories,' pp. lxiii foll., that Childers was wrong in ascribing the Jàtaka Commentary to Buddhaghosa. The word occurs in Buddhaghosa's sense at D. I, 114, 120= A. 1, 163, &c.; Jàt. I, 56.

[78] Musikàcchinnaü. The allied superstition of thinking it unlucky to wear clothes gnawed by mice is laughed out of court in the Mangala Jàtaka, No. 87.

[79] Aggi-homaü. Telling people that a sacrifice, if offered in a fire of such and such a wood, will have such and such a result.

[80] Dabbi-homaü. Telling people that an oblation of such and such grains, butter, or so on, poured into the fire from such and such a sort of spoon, will have such and such a result.

[81] See Hillebrandt, `Neu und Vollmondsopfer,' pp. 31, 171, and Ritual-literatur' in B�hler's `Grundriss,' pp. 71, 72, 114, 176. The nine homas here objected to may also be compared with the seven at Ath.-veda VIII, 9, 18.

[82] No instance of this can be traced in the books of the Brahmans.

[83] Compare the passage in Hillebrandt, in B�hler's Grundriss,' p. 176, on the use of blood for sorcery. In one passage, Rig-vidh. III, 18, 3, it is one's own blood that is to be used. But the specific interpretation given here by Buddhaghosa cannot be paralleled from the Brahmanical books.

[84] Anga-vijja. Buddhaghosa thus separates this from the aïgaü of No. 1. In both the passages Jàt. 11, 200, 250 the knowledge is simply that of judging from a man's appearance that he is rough or bad. and it is the good man in the story (in the second case the Bodisat himself) who is the anga-vijjà-pàñhako. So at Jàt. V, 458 it is by anga-vijjà that the Bodisat prophesies that a man will be cruel.

[85] Vatthu-vijjà. Childers (Dict., p. 559) has `pool' instead of `house,' having misread sara for ghara (s and gh are nearly alike in Sinhalese). The craft is further explained by Buddhaghosa in his comment on the Mahà-parinibbàna Sutta I, 26. Its success depended on the belief that the sites were haunted by spirits. See further below, Section 27.

[86] Khatta-vijjà,. The Burmese MSS. correct the rare khatta into the familiar khetta. Khetta-vijjà indeed occurs at Ud. III, 9, and may just possibly there (in connection with writing, arithmetic, tables, &c.) be correct in the meaning- of `land-surveying, mensuration.' Buddhaghosa, though his explanation is corrupt, evidently understands the phrase in a sense similar to that of khatta-dhamma at Jàt. V, 489, 490; Mil. 164 (see also 178); and his gloss nãtisatthaü is probably nearer the mark than Saïkara's (on Chànd. Up. VII, 1, 2), which is dhanur-veda. It is the craft of government, then lying in great part in adhering- to custom.

[87] Siva-vijjà. It is clear that siva is used euphemistically, and we may here have an early reference to what afterwards developed into the cult of the god Siva. Buddhaghosa gives an alternative explanation as knowledge of the cries of jackals.

[88] Bhåta-vijjà. Also in the Chàndogya list (lac. cit.)

[89] Bhåri-vijjà. It is the same as bhåri-kammaü, explained in the same way by Buddhaghosa on Section 27 below.

[90] Ahi-vijjà. One method is described at Jàt. IV, 457, 8, Perhaps such charms against snake-bite as Ath.-v. V,13; VI, 12, 56; VII, 88, are included.

[91] Buddhaghosa says curing or giving poison, or poison spells (compare Ath.-v. VI, 90, 93, 100).

[92] These are explained to mean simply curing the bites of these creatures.

[93] These are explained to mean simply curing the bites of these creatures.

[94] Understanding their language.

[95] Divining- by the appearance and the cawings of crows.

[96] Compare the Ambaññha-vijjà at Sum. 255 and below, p. 96 of the text, Section 23.

[97] Miga-cakkaü. Understanding the language of all creatures.

[98] The whole of this `low art' as applied to gems has been collected in a series of manuals now edited by L. Finot in his `Lapiddires Indiens,' Paris, 1896.

[99] The art in these four cases is to determine whether the marks on them show they will bring good (or bad) luck to the houses in which they dwell.

[100] The art in these four cases is to determine whether the marks on them show they will bring good (or bad) luck to the houses in which they dwell.

[101] The art in these four cases is to determine whether the marks on them show they will bring good (or bad) luck to the houses in which they dwell.

[102] The art in these four cases is to determine whether the marks on them show they will bring good (or bad) luck to the houses in which they dwell.

[103] The art in these four cases is to determine whether the marks on them show they will bring good (or bad) luck to the houses in which they dwell.

[104] The art in these five cases is to determine whether it is unclean or not to eat them.

[105] The art in these five cases is to determine whether it is unclean or not to eat them.

[106] The art in these five cases is to determine whether it is unclean or not to eat them.

[107] The art in these five cases is to determine whether it is unclean or not to eat them.

[108] `This comes in here very oddly. But the old commentator had the same reading, and takes the word in its ordinary senses, not even as amulet.

[109] Throughout these paragraphs the plural is used. This cannot be honorific, as the few great kings of that time are always spoken of in the singular. Yet all the previous translators, except Burnouf, translate by the singular-'the king will march out,' &c. It is evident that we have to understand `chiefs,' and not the `king `: and that not absolute monarchies, but republican institutions of a more or less aristocratic type, were in the mind of the composer of the paragraph.

[110] Nakkhatta, translated by Gogerly and Neumann a `planet.' Buddhaghosa explains it by `Mars and so on.' This may apply to planets, but also to stars in general, and I know no other passage where the meaning of the word is confined to planets. Burnouf has (constellation,' but what can the eclipse of a constellation mean?

[111] Patha-gamana and uppatha-gamana. Prof. Kielhorn says (in a note he has been kind enough to send me on this section): What the author means by these words 1 do not know. But uppatha-gamana would be literally "aberration, the going away from one's proper path"; and patha-gamana therefore should be "following one's proper course.û 1 am sure the two words could not mean conjunction and opposition; nor, 1 think, ascension and declension. It is curious that Buddhaghosa has not explained them.'

[112] Ukkà-pàto. See Jàt. 1, 374; Mil. 178.

[113] Disà-dàho. Thunder and lightning,' according to Neumann; fiery corruscations in the atmosphere,' according to Gogerly, whom Burnouf follows. But Buddhaghosa's words are only explicable of a jungle fire. Compare Jàt. 1, 212, 213, 374.

[114] Burnouf takes these four words to refer to four occurrences. Gogerly and Neumann take them as only two. Buddhaghosa seems to imply four.

[115] Muddà. There has been great diversity in the various guesses made at the meaning in this connection of muddà, which usually means `seal' or `seal-ring.' Gogerly has 1 conveyancing,' and so also Childers; Burnouf takes this word and the next as one compound in the sense of foretelling the future by calculating diagrams'; and Neumann has `Verwaltungsdienste, `administrative services. Buddhaghosa is very curt. He says only hattha-muddàgaõanà Hatthamuddà is found elsewhere only at Jàt. III, 528, where hattha- muddaü karoti means `to beckon,' and at Vin. V, 163, where it is said of the polite member of the Order that he makes, no sign with his hand, nor beckons. (On hattha-vikàra compare Mil. 1, 207, 547 = Vin. I,157 = Vin. II, 216.) Both these passages are much later than our text, and the sense of beckoning is here impossible. But muddà is mentioned as a craft at Vin. IV, 7 (where it is called honourable), at M. I, 85, and several times in the Milinda (pp. 3, 59, 78, 178 of the Pàli text), and muddiko as the person who practises that craft at D. I, 51 and Vin. IV, 8. The Sinhalese comment on this (quoted in my translation of the Milinda, 1, 91) shows that the art there was simply arithmetic, using the joints or knuckles of the fingers as an aid to memory. And this is no doubt the meaning in our paragraph.

[116] Gaõanà. Buddhaghosa's comment on this is acchiddakà-gaõanà, in contradistinction to the last. It is evidently calculation not broken up by using, the fingers, mental arithmetic pure and simple. The accountant who uses this method is called gaõako (D. I, 51; Vin. IV, 8). Buddhaghosa's comment on the latter passage is given by Minayeff at Pat. 84, but with a wrong reading, akkhiüñaka.

[117] Saükhànaü, literally `counting up.' He who has the faculty of doing this can, on looking at a tree, say how many leaves it has, says Buddhaghosa. But the first words of his comment are doubtful. He may perhaps mean calculating masses by means of the rosary. Burnouf skips this word, and Neumann has simply `counting.'

[118] Kàveyyaü. The word recurs, in a bad sense, at A. 1, 72= III, 107, and also at S. I, 110 in the phrase kàveyya-matto, `drunk with prophecy, inspired.' Buddhaghosa enumerates, in the words of A. II, 230, four kinds of poetry, and explains them in nearly the same words as found in the Manoratha Påranã on that passage. None of the four refer to sacrificial hymns. Impromptu rhyming, ballad singing, and the composition of poems are meant.

[119] Lokàhyataü. Usually rendered `materialism.' But it is quite clear that this meaning is impossible in this connection. See Milinda 174.

[120] Compare the Sinhalese bãna (binna) marriage in which the bridegroom is brought into the house of the bride's family.

[121] Compare the Sinhalese dãga marriage in which the bride is sent out to live in the bridegroom's family. We have no words now in English to express this difference between marrying and giving in marriage.

[122] Saüvadanaü. Childers calls this a magic art, following Burnouf who calls it sorcery. Buddhaghosa explains it as astrology. The fact is all these expressions are technical terms for acts of astrology or sorcery, they none of them occur elsewhere either in Pàli or Sanskrit, and the tradition preserved by Buddhaghosa may be at fault in those cases in which the use of the word had not survived to later times. The general sense may be sufficiently clear, but for absolute certainty of interpretation we must wait till examples are found in Indian books of the actual use of the words, not in mere lists, but in a connection which shows the meaning. Ath-v III, 30 is a charm to secure concord in a family, compare VII, 52; and there are several charms in the Athara-veda for success in gambling.

[123] Saüvadanaü. Childers calls this a magic art, following Burnouf who calls it sorcery. Buddhaghosa explains it as astrology. The fact is all these expressions are technical terms for acts of astrology or sorcery, they none of them occur elsewhere either in Pàli or Sanskrit, and the tradition preserved by Buddhaghosa may be at fault in those cases in which the use of the word had not survived to later times. The general sense may be sufficiently clear, but for absolute certainty of interpretation we must wait till examples are found in Indian books of the actual use of the words, not in mere lists, but in a connection which shows the meaning. Ath-v III, 30 is a charm to secure concord in a family, compare VII, 52; and there are several charms in the Athara-veda for success in gambling.

[124] Saüvadanaü. Childers calls this a magic art, following Burnouf who calls it sorcery. Buddhaghosa explains it as astrology. The fact is all these expressions are technical terms for acts of astrology or sorcery, they none of them occur elsewhere either in Pàli or Sanskrit, and the tradition preserved by Buddhaghosa may be at fault in those cases in which the use of the word had not survived to later times. The general sense may be sufficiently clear, but for absolute certainty of interpretation we must wait till examples are found in Indian books of the actual use of the words, not in mere lists, but in a connection which shows the meaning. Ath-v III, 30 is a charm to secure concord in a family, compare VII, 52; and there are several charms in the Athara-veda for success in gambling.

[125] Saüvadanaü. Childers calls this a magic art, following Burnouf who calls it sorcery. Buddhaghosa explains it as astrology. The fact is all these expressions are technical terms for acts of astrology or sorcery, they none of them occur elsewhere either in Pàli or Sanskrit, and the tradition preserved by Buddhaghosa may be at fault in those cases in which the use of the word had not survived to later times. The general sense may be sufficiently clear, but for absolute certainty of interpretation we must wait till examples are found in Indian books of the actual use of the words, not in mere lists, but in a connection which shows the meaning. Ath-v III, 30 is a charm to secure concord in a family, compare VII, 52; and there are several charms in the Athara-veda for success in gambling.

[126] Subhaga-karanaü. Many such charms are preserved in the Atharva-veda (for instance, X, 3:; 5; XVI, 4; 9)

[127] It would be useless to seek in the Atharva-veda, which (with the one exception mentioned in the notes to the next section) gives only the charms which are supposed to bring benefits, for instances of these malevolent practices. But we have here direct evidence that black magic, as was indeed inevitable was as fully trusted in the sixth century B. C. in the valley of the Ganges as white. We need not be surprised that the malevolent charms are not recorded.

[128] Adàsa-pa¤ho. Buddhaghosa says they made a god appear in the mirror and answer questions put. It is a later conception to discard the god, and make the mirror itself give pictures of the hidden events. The mirror is of metal (Par. Dip. 235).

[129] Kumàri-pa¤ho. Through a girl of good family and repute.

[130] Deva-pa¤ho. Also obtained through a girl, but this time a deva-dàsã or temple prostitute. It is instructive to find, even under the patriarchal regime of the sixth century B. C., that men thought they could best have communications from the gods through the medium of a woman.

[131] âdiccupaññhànam. Such sun-worship is ridiculed in the Jàtaka of the same name, No. 173.

[132] Buddhaghosa explains the Great One as Mahà Brahma. This seems to me very doubtful. It is at least odd to find Brahma introduced in this connection. We may grant that the Buddhists might have put sun-worship into a list of sorceries, but there was no ceremonial cult of Brahma and little or none of Brahmà. And however much the new gospel might hold the speculations of the dominant theosophy in contempt, that would scarcely explain their being ranked as privates in this regiment. Burnouf avoids this by rendering the phrase generally `serving the great,' and Neumann has `practising sorcery.' Neither of these guesses seems happy. Mahat in composition is elsewhere always mahà in Pàli, and we possibly have here a sandhi for mahatã-upaññhànam, in the sense of worship of the Great Mother, the Earth, with covert allusion to Mahã. This would give excellent sense, as the worship of the Mother Earth was closely associated in the popular mind with witchcraft. A god or goddess is certainly meant, and one so associated would be best in place here. It is perhaps worthy of note that in the oldest portion of the Taittirãya Upanishad, Sun, Moon, Earth, and Srã occur together in a set of mystic groups, and Sun, Moon, Brahma, and food are all identified by a word-play with Mahas (Sãkrà-vallã" 4-7).

[133] See Milinda 191, and Jàt. II, 410.

[134] Bhåri-kammaü. Is this a place sacred to Mother Earth? The ceremony referred to is the carrying out of the vijjà or craft mentioned in the list at Section 2 I.

[135] Vassa- and vossa-kammaü. Morris discusses the etymology of these words, only found in this list, in the J. P. T. S., 1889, p. 208. The idea of the second is not, of course, castration, but making a man's desire to fail by a spell. Several such are preserved in the Atharva (IV, 4; VI, 1 0 1 to give virility; VI, I 3 8; VII, 1 I 3 to cause impotence).

[136] Vassa- and vossa-kammaü. Morris discusses the etymology of these words, only found in this list, in the J. P. T. S., 1889, p. 208. The idea of the second is not, of course, castration, but making a man's desire to fail by a spell. Several such are preserved in the Atharva (IV, 4; VI, 1 0 1 to give virility; VI, I 3 8; VII, 1 I 3 to cause impotence).

[137] Vatthu-kammaü and -parikiraõaü. These constitute the vatthu-vijjà of Section 21.

[138] Vatthu-kammaü and -parikiraõaü. These constitute the vatthu-vijjà of Section 21.

[139] Bathings, that is, of other people.

[140] See Mil. I, 511 and the rules laid down in `Vinaya Texts, II 53-55.

[141] The Buddhist view of Nos. 11-25 must not be mistaken. It is sufficiently clear from the numerous examples in the Vinaya (see especially `Vinaya Texts,' II, pp. 4I-I44), and from the high praise accorded to Jãvaka and other physicians, that the objection was to recluses and Brahmans practising medicine as a means of livelihood. They might do so gratis for themselves or for their coreligionists, and laymen might do so for gain.

[142] The corresponding Sanskrit terms occur at Divyàvadàna, p. 492. No doubt the reading there ought to be nipuõo.

[143] These phrases recur S. III, 45. On anuddiññhi see also Gogerly in the, Ceylon Friend, 1875, p. 133, and Morris in the J. P. T. S., 1886, p. 113; and compare , attànuddiññhi at Mil. 146, 160, 352 S. N. 1119. As in our colloquial expression a `viewy man,' diññhi almost always, and anudiññhi in all the seven passages where it occurs, have a connotation of contempt-a mere view, an offhand ill-considered opinion, a delusion. The Greek greak.Øæøa has had a similar history, and dogma or speculation is a better rendering than view or belief.

[144] Sassata-vàdà.

[145] Gotra, literally `cow-stall.' The history of this word has yet to be written. It probably meant at the time this Sutta was written a family or lineage traced through the father. On the meaning of gotraja (the gentiles of Roman Law) in the later law-books see West and B�hler, `Hindu Law of Inheritance,' p.17 I.

[146] Vaõõa, literally colour.' Gogerly renders it `appearance,' and Neumann `Beruf.' I have chosen caste (though it is not caste in its strictest sense) because it no doubt refers to the cattàro vaõõà mentioned so often in the Suttas. it is true that these-Khattiyas, Brahmans, Vessas, and Suddas-were not castes, but four divisions of the people, each consisting of many subdivisions (by customs as to connubium and commensality) which afterwards hardened into castes. ,,See J. R. A. S., 1897, PP. SO-,90.

[147] Saüvañña - vivaññaü (rolling up and evolution, from vaññ, to turn). It is the period of the gradual disintegration and conformation of a world. Needless to add that the length of this period cannot be expressed in figures.

[148] This phrase recurs below, chap. iii SectionSection 14, 20.

[149] Sãla, for instance, and samàdhi, and all the other things known to a Buddha, says Buddhaghosa, p. 108.

[150] Paccattaü. See the common phrases A. II, 198=S. I, 9, 10, 117; M. I, 188=422; M. I, 251, 252 = S. III, 54, &c.; and S. N. 611,906; Mil. 96, 347; Sum. 182. `Without depending on anyone else, himself by himself,' says Buddhaghosa.

[151] Nirvana, says Buddhaghosa.

[152] Gogerly (PP. 77, 78 in Grimblot) has made a sad mess of this paragraph misunderstanding the grammatical construction of the first clause, and misinterpreting- paràmasati in the second, and nissaranaü in the third.

[153] Not of course the four speculations, but the higher knowledge which has led him to reject them.

[154] This string of epithets recurs at M. I, 327 in the course of the story of the Brahmà, named Baka, who is represented as coming to the very conclusion set out in our section. The story was a favourite one, and three recessions of it have been preserved (M. I, 326-331; S. I, 142-144, and Jàt. No. 405). Mr. Crow evidently considered himself the Mahà Brahmà of the period.

[155] Khióóa-padosikà. They are not mentioned elsewhere except in the list of gods in the Mahà Samaya (p. 287).

[156] Buddhaghosa on this has a curious note. The gods, though of great glory, are delicate in body. A man, having- gone without food - for seven days even, may restore his strength by the use of clear broth and so on. But the gods can't play tricks with themselves; and if they lose their heads and forget their meal-times, they die-pass away from that state. The poor gods! Whether this be really implied in the text or not, it is at least in harmony with the irony of the Buddha's talk.

[157] Mano-padosikà. Only found here and in the list in the Samaya Sutta. Even there it is almost certainly merely taken from this passage, so that it looks very much as if both these classes or titles of gods were simply invented, in irony, for the sake of the argument. Buddhaghosa identifies this class with the retinue of the four Great Kings-that is the regents of the four quarters.

[158] Upanijjhàyanti, from jhàyati, to burn. Elsewhere found only at Vin. 1, 193; II, 269; 111, 118, in all which passages it has the connotation of `covet, lust after.' Buddhaghosa takes it here in the sense of envy, and tells a tale, too long to quote, to show the quarrelsome nature of these gods. In the sense of `consider' (from jhàyati, to think) the word has only been found at S. N., p. 143. There may have been confusion between the two homonyms, so that ours got to mean to consider in such a way as to be excited, to burn.'

[159] Buddhaghosa explains that these speculators perceive how the organs of sense break up (and sense impressions pass away); but they fail to see that the same thing holds even more strongly in the case of thoughts, since no sooner has each mental impression given rise to the succeeding one than it passes away. Not perceiving that, and depending on the analogy of birds, who fly away from one tree only to alight on another, they conclude that the mind, when this individuality is broken up, goes (as a unity) elsewhere.

[160] Antànantikà.

[161] Parivañumo. Only found here. Buddhaghosa says nothing.

[162] According to Buddhaghosa (Ats. 160) there are four things that are infinite-space, the number of world-systems, the number of living creatures, and the wisdom of a Buddha. Had this doctrine formed part of the original Buddhism we should expect to find these cattàri - anantàni in the chapter on the `Fours' in the Aïguttara, but I do not find them there.

[163] Either in self-training or in the attainment of bliss in heaven' says Buddhaghosa (p.115).

[164] Buddhaghosa gives examples of these five equivocations.

[165] Buddhaghosa explains that if, in his ignorance, he should, by chance, declare the good to be good, he will be puffed up by the approval of the wise. But if he should blunder, he will be filled with vexation and ill will when his error is pointed out. Either of these states of mind will be the fuel to keep the fire burning, the state technically called Upàdàna, `grasping.'

[166] Sampàyati. See the note at `Vinaya Texts,' III, 317, and compare M. I, 85, 96, 472.

[167] Such questions are called elsewhere the common basis of discussions among Brahmans.

[168] The word here used is Tathàgata, `he who has gone, or perhaps come, to the truth.' See Chalmers in the J. R. A. S.' Jan., 1898, and compare S. III, 111, 116-118; M. I, I40, 171, 486; S. N. 467. The use of sammaggato (D. I, 55, &c.) and of gatatto (D. I, 57, &c.) shows that gata was used elliptically in the sense of gone to the furthest point aimed at' among the followers of the other sects that arose at the same time as Buddhism. The exact derivation and history of the word Tathàgata may be doubtful, but its meaning is, on the whole, clear enough.

[169] This is the identical answer put below (p. 57 of the text) into the mouth of Sa¤jaya Belaññhaputta.

[170] Adhicca-samuppannikà. This adhicca (which must be distinguished from the other adhicca, derived from adhãyati, occurring at Jàt. III, 218 = IV, 301) recurs at M. 1, 443, where it is opposed in the sense of `occasional' to abhiõha at M. I, 442 in the sense of `habitual.' Udàna VI, 5 throws light on its use here. It is there associated with words meaning neither self-originated, nor created by others.' It is explained by Buddhaghosa on our passage (Sum. I, 118) as `springing up without a cause.' The derivation is doubtful.

[171] Asa¤¤a-sattà. They spring into being in this wise. Some one of the Brahman ascetics having practised continual meditation and arrived at the Fourth Jhàna, sees the disadvantage attached to thinking, and says to himself: `It is by dwelling on it in thought that physical pain and all sorts of mental terrors arise. Have done with this thinking. An existence without it were better.' And dying in this belief he is reborn among the Unconscious Ones, who have form only, and neither sensations nor ideas nor predispositions nor consciousness. So long as the power of the Jhàna lasts, so long do they last. Then an idea occurs to them-the idea of rebirth in this world-and they straightway die.

[172] See 1, 1, 29 (p. 12 of the text).

[173] Literally `who are After-deathers, Conscious-maintainers.' These summary epithets are meant to be contemptuous, and the word chosen for death adds to the force of the phrase. It is not the usual word, but àghàtana (so read in the text), meaning literally `shambles, place of execution.' The ordinary phrase would have been parammaraõikà.

[174] So the Ajãvakas, says Buddhaghosa.

[175] So the Nigaõñhas, says Buddhaghosa.

[176] SectionSection 9-18 are discussed by James D'Alwis in `Buddhist Nirvana,' p. 47. Comp. Jacobi, `Jaina Såtras,' II, 236, 339.

[177] Sato sattassa. Insert the word sato in the text (as in SectionSection 17,19, 41, 42). The Kañha Upanishad I, 20 alludes to such belief.

[178] Compare the 4th Vimokha. See Rh. D. `Buddhist Suttas,' pp. 5 2, 213. The idea of resistance, pañigha, is here not ethical, but refers to the senses. Having no sense of reaction to touch, of opposition to muscular effort. it appears from M. I, 164 that this was pretty much the view put forth by Gotama's first teacher âlàra Kàlàma.

[179] Compare the 5th Vimokha. This seems from M. I 165 to have been much the same as the view held by Ràma, whose son and pupil, Uddaka, was Gotama's second teacher.

[180] Compare the 6th Vimokha.

[181] Though it is not explicitly so stated, this last of these seven theorisers is no doubt to be considered as believing in all the sorts of soul held by the others, so that he believes in seven. One may compare the five souls each more subtle than the last, made respectively of anna, pràõa, manas, vij¤àõa, and ànanda (food. breadth mind, consciousness, and joy), described in the Taittirãya Upanishad II, 1-5. The Buddhist modification of these `theories omits the souls, and treats instead of various states of mind (produced by stages of meditation), the attainment of which, during this life, leads to rebirth in corresponding worlds, or planes of existence, named after those stages. of meditations. But the oldest Piñaka texts say very little about it, and the history of Buddhist speculation on the matter has yet to be formulated.

[182] Buddhaghosa here (Sum. 1, 121) explains Nirvàõa as the suppression of pain; pain, dukkha, being bodily, as opposed to domanassa, mental. `In this visible world' means in whatever world the particular soul happens to be at the time. On parikàreti compare V. II, 290 ràjà uyyàne paricàresi, `the king indulged himself, enjoyed himself, in the garden.' All its functions' is added from the Commentary.

[183] The text shows that the four Jhànas were regarded by the early Buddhists as older than Buddhism. The very words used are identical; the only modification introduced in Buddhism being the omission of the `souls.' These four, Together. with the four Aråpa Vimokhas (see note on Section 19), make up the Eight Attainments (Samàpattiyo), often mentioned in the Jàtaka commentary as practised by pre Buddhistic recluses.

[184] On paritasita compare M. 1, 36 na asati paritassati, `is not worried at what is not `: paritasita, `fidgetiness `or `worry,' at M. 1, 136; S. III, 15-19; and Mil. 253, 400. On vipphandita, M. I, 8, 486; Dh. S. 381 (Asl. 253); Jàt. IV, 495.

[185] In the text the first three of these four propositions are repeated of each of the eleven classes of theorisers. `The fourth is put in the form which, to avoid repetition, I have adopted for all the four.

[186] Tathàgata, that is the speaker himself, the Buddha.